Tuesday, July 22, 2014

The Future of Work, Inevitable Changes, and How We Must Deal with New Realities


Istvan Gorog
July 2014, Eureka, CA

This is my third posting in a series on economic issues. Here I draw on my personal experience to focus on changes in the Digital Information Technology (DIT) age: in jobs, productivity, globalization and new localization. I argue for communal action to satisfy communal needs, and to supplement the competitive markets that well satisfy consumer demands.

Contents
  • 1 .      Productivity growth
  • 2 .      A manufacturing case-study
  • 3 .      Some speculation about what may come in medicine.     
  • 4     The story of 21st Century tradesmen
  • 5 .      The changing nature of our high-productivity globalized society
  • 6 .      What we need to do
  • 7 .      Postscript
  • 8 .      Notes



1. Productivity growth

In my earlier writings (Notes on the Economy… and After Reading Piketty…), I discuss the replacement of human workers by ever smarter and more productive machines, the desirability of full employment, and thus the need to reduce the number of working hours per “full time” employee and the number of years worked fulltime prior to retirement (i.e. reduce the legal age for retirement). Some of my readers focused on the disappearance of jobs and saw my views as real and pessimistic. Others argue that jobs are not disappearing, only changing. Furthermore, there are ongoing political efforts and related discussions in the media to extend the number of years worked, based on the notion that since we live longer, we need to work longer to pay for the retirement years. This is crazy: as we are today, we can feed, house, and clothe everybody, but we cannot find jobs for everybody; so why and how would extension of the retirement age solve our primary problems, which are growing inequality and unemployment?

Here I want to emphatically state again that I do not view the replacement of human labor by machines as a pessimistic development. On the contrary, I welcome the reduction of the necessary human labor for producing enough to satisfy all our needs. In fact without the benefits reaped from technological advances, the Earth would not be able to support the 7 Billion humans today, and even less the over 10 Billion people by 2100 (according to the UN forecasts). But I do call for some changes.

The fundamental attribute that differentiates the underdeveloped and the developed worlds is the productivity of their respective societies. Developed countries produce more per capita, they employ more machines and employ a more educated labor force. In the developed world people need to work less and produce more than people do in the undeveloped world. Without machines this would not be the case, there would be no developed world. In an agrarian underdeveloped society everyone needs to work to secure a subsistence living. In the developed post-industrial America fewer than half of the working age people are employed. The participation rate is 63 % and the total unemployment rate is about 14 %, according to the US Dept. of Labor BLS U-6 measure. Also, the participation rate has been steadily declining at an approximately constant rate of about 0.5 % per year. Thus we now have less than 50 % of the working age population enjoying fulltime employment, and the declining trend continues. 

In a few hundred years the developed world moved from agricultural to post-industrial economy. The Industrial Revolution brought new knowledge and equipment, allowing most people to move from farms to cities to work in factories, while those who remained on the farms still produced enough food for all. As even more knowledge and equipment was developed and deployed, both agricultural and industrial productivity improved further and the transition to post-industrial economy occurred; this meant even fewer people in agriculture, fewer people in manufacturing, and most people engaged in services. By the end of the 20th Century, we entered the Information Age. Here again knowledge and equipment improvements bring productivity improvements requiring fewer people not only for the production of goods (energy, buildings, food, and manufactured products), but also in traditional services. At the beginning of the 21st Century, we are only beginning to experience the impact of the new knowledge and equipment that brought us the Information Age: Digital Information Technologies (DIT). DIT has already transformed telecommunication, information processing and storage, machine control, and robotics; all of these areas are likely to see significant further development. These developments will bring productivity improvements to services so that fewer people will be required for many service tasks, e.g. online order fulfillment from automated warehouses delivered by drones. The full impact of DIT is yet to come; thus far we only had a taste of the benefits it is likely to bring.

As productivity improved, people needed to work progressively less. In the agricultural era, but for the very small elites, everyone worked all the time. The early industrial era accepted that work tradition and 7 day workweeks with 10 to 12 hour workday were not uncommon. As the industrial era matured, by the end of the 19th Century, 6 day workweeks with 8 hour workdays became standard. As productivity improved further, not insignificantly as a result of the invention of electric motors driving power tools that enabled the building of production lines for the mass-fabrication of consumer products, by the middle of the 20th Century 5 day workweeks with 8 hour workdays became standard and less than 40 total-hour workweeks became common. Renormalizing the “Average annual hours worked per worker” data published by the OECD to a 48 workweek year, in 2012 the typical workweek was in Mexico 46, in Russia 41, in the US 37, and in Norway 30 hours.

To summarize, in the free markets driven competitive economy, productivity improvements allow that fewer of us working fewer hours are able to produce more than we can all consume. I do not fear the coming of the robots, I welcome them. I believe that further reduction in working hours is overdue. Why should we stop now in sharing the benefits of these improvements? It is far better for more people to work fewer hours then for fewer to work more hours. The DIT era produces new wealth, but not new jobs in corresponding numbers (Note 1). Some argue that enough new jobs are created to fill all the employment needs of all those who wish to work and pursue the proper opportunities (Note2). Indeed, as old jobs disappear, new jobs are created, but net-net the number of available job opportunities per person is shrinking, as clearly demonstrated by all the available statistics.

As human labor is being replaced by ever smarter machines, greater and greater share of the national income goes to owners of capital and to those highly skilled in areas in demand. Thus the owners of physical and intellectual capital accumulate more and more wealth at the expense of the rest. This leads to growing inequality that ultimately could lead to the breakdown of our free enterprise democratic society. Also, there are growing needs in “communal” areas not adequately addressed by competitive free markets.

In the following first I will describe a specific manufacturing case that illustrates some key interplaying elements of globalization, mechanization, and technology change. Next I will discuss how even highly skilled professionals may find themselves replaced by machines. Then I discuss individual success stories in the DIT age: how individuals with the right skill mix and innate abilities reinvent themselves and adapt to the new rapidly changing economic environment. Following that I will talk about specific communal areas that need to take a greater share of the economy and that also offer the new employment opportunities as old ones disappear. In the concluding sections I present what I think we need to do to secure the future of our American democracy and build a more just society.


2. A manufacturing case study

In 2001 a new factory opened in Mexicali, Mexico. The Headquarters of the company that owned the plant was in a European capital and the company was listed both on a European stock exchange and also on the New York Stock exchange. The factory produced a major electronic component used in consumer electronics products. The production lines and processing equipment were moved to Mexico from the US North East. The US factory that previously produced this product was shut down after it had operated very profitably for over thirty years, during most of this time under American ownership. The product itself and the related manufacturing technologies were all invented, developed, and designed in US industrial research and development facilities. The customers for the product were other manufacturers, known in the trade as OEMs (original equipment manufacturers), who manufactured equipment sold to consumers. The Mexicali plant produced several million units and generated several hundred million dollars of revenue per year. The principal justification for moving the production facility from the original North Eastern location was that many of the OEM customers were located in Mexicali and thus the move offered significant transportation cost savings. Labor costs were also significantly lower; the prevailing hourly wages of production line workers in Mexicali were under $2.50 and about $16 in the North East, however the direct labor cost of the product was only a small fraction of its total cost. Similar products produced at a US Midwestern location had direct labor contents between 4% and 5.5% of the total cost, dependent on the maturity of the product.

The foregoing story could be a prototype business school case study for globalization and the resulting migration of manufacturing to low wage countries. There is yet another important element missing from the above description of the actual events. As indicated above, labor costs were a small fraction of the product cost, thus the cost savings that accrued from moving the plant to a low wage area was not significant. Furthermore, when the production equipment was relocated to Mexicali it was updated, principally augmented with additional robotic automation. Thus, in fact the labor content, as expressed in labor time per unit of production, was reduced as production was moved to low wage Mexico. One may ask why would one want to invest in more automation then? Clearly not to save on labor costs? The short answer is: quality. It is well known that in the cost structures of mature consumer durables the cost of quality can be a very significant component; in fact, frequently improving quality is the most significant opportunity for cost reduction. In the above cited example at the Midwestern plant the cost of quality was about twice the cost of the direct labor content, and it exceeded the total cost of capital employed (per unit allocated costs for tooling and depreciation).

The cost of quality includes the costs of reworks, rejects, and recalls; assuming that all environmental, regulatory, or safety issues are properly addressed. The cost of quality is basically the cost of defectives, products that do not conform to specifications. Defectives are the result of mistakes. Properly designed and maintained machines do not make mistakes, humans do. A long time ago it was well established that on production lines with many repetitive operations, human operators made many mistakes, while well maintained automated lines produce rejects only as a result of defective incoming materials. Wherever mechanization of the line was feasible, improved quality justified the elimination of human operators. With advances in flexible automation, which combines the precision dexterity of robots with sensory inputs, mechanization of many operations not only in goods production, but also in a broad range of activities in the construction and services industries, is being progressively introduced. Typically, both labor savings and quality improvements result from automation.  

The Mexicali production lines discussed above, now in 2014 are no longer in operation. Technology change replaced its products by new devices that deliver the same function better at lower cost. These new devices are now all produced in Asia (mostly in China, Korea, and Taiwan), on fully automated lines. In fact, technologically it would be impossible to produce these improved products on manual production lines. A further note of interest: the base technology for these new products was invented in the USA, but the product technology and the related manufacturing processes were all developed by Asian companies. Thus, even though all jobs related to these products disappeared from the US, we cannot say that these jobs were exported; rather in this case Asia took the lead from the USA and beat the USA to the market. Low cost off-shore labor plays no direct role in this new reality; indirectly yes, the Asian electronics manufacturers got their start because of the low cost labor they offered, and because one American giant once upon a time, RCA, did not consider foreign markets important and therefore proactively licensed its technology in Asia. But now Asian electronics manufacturers no longer enjoy significant advantage from wage differentials, nor do they benefit from shortsightedness of American corporations, and in the future they will do even less so. Now it is an open field, where the Asians are ahead. We need to stop crying about job exports and start thinking about what all these changes mean and how to make best use of what we have.


3. Some speculation about what may come in medicine

What is next? A good candidate for significant automation within the next few decades is the healthcare industry. This industry is growing: as technology reduced the cost of most basic living necessities, people and societies spend more and more on healthcare. For it, demand is never ending and market saturation is only cost dependent. Operationally healthcare is: data gathering (administrative and diagnostic), data storage and analysis, and corrective/healing procedures (feedback/advice/counseling, drug administration, physical therapy, and surgery). While I do not anticipate total replacement of human care providers by intelligent machines, I do expect that in major segments of the healthcare industry computerization and robotics will replace and augment physicians, nurses, and administrators. I expect primary impact of automation in data storage and analysis. Also I expect many diagnostic procedures to be automated, not only the searching of data bases for diagnostic clues, but also including diagnostic procedures, for example, X-ray image analysis. The least impact I expect in some segments of healing procedures, in particular counseling and physical therapy are likely to remain primarily human provided. Some other procedures are likely to be strongly impacted, in particular surgery. Robotic-assisted surgery is already a reality and it is proven to be more precise and less invasive than traditional “manual” surgery; it overcomes the limitations of human manual dexterity.

 According to the CDC FASTSTATS, in the US over 50 million inpatient surgeries are performed per year, including, for example, over 300 thousand total hip and over 700 thousand total knee replacements. The annual cost of inpatient surgeries is close to a trillion dollars out of a total US annual health bill of close to $4 trillion. Each basic type of surgery represents a multi-billion dollar annual market. Clearly the technology is available, the benefits are established, and the markets are huge; with such opportunities the possible resistance of special interest groups may only slow down the adaptation of advanced robotics in medicine, but the switch in many areas of the practice to robots from humans seems inevitable.


4. The story of 21st Century tradesmen

While the overall job market has been shrinking, jobs are still available for those with the needed skills. But what the needed skills are is continually changing, thus to acquire a useful skill for a trade in demand is insufficient for lifetime security. The ability to update one’s skill several times and change trades is a very useful, and most likely an essential trait required for continuous employability.

I recently met a young man who was trained as a welder. He attended some classes in a trade-oriented junior college and became a certified welder. He specialized in building construction, welding steel-frames. With a construction boom in his area, he found employment easily and enjoyed a well-paying job as an expert welder. Then one day his boss called him into his office, told him that the company is now switching to robotic welding and offered him the choice of either being sent to school to learn the skill to become a programmer of robotic-welders, or being laid off. He chose the school and became a robot programmer. After a while the need for robot programmers in the construction company where he worked became less acute. More people acquired the skill of programming robotic-welders, and also fewer of these people were required to operate the same number of robots because the tools to program were improved and with experience the programmers became more proficient. Feeling less appreciated and becoming restless, the certified welder turned programmer looked around and found new opportunities based on his programming skill. He moved to new places and found new jobs. When we met he was working at a printing company, sitting at a computer and setting up basic printing tasks for electronic printing. – As long as he retains his adaptive ability, his interest in learning, and his willingness to move onto new areas, I expect that he will be able to lead a productive life and find employment. Of course this will not be lifetime employment in one trade, but a series of new jobs in newly learned trades. Also, his good luck that  in the process of switching his trade from expert welder he acquired computer skills, makes finding new jobs for him in the DIT  age much easier.

Some time ago I befriended a middle aged man. He was borne into a blue collar family in Washington DC. He trained as a car mechanic and was quite successful in his trade. One day physics caught his attention and he decided to find out more about it and signed up for a physics class at a local junior college. He did rather well, got excellent grades and found physics his new overwhelming interest. He also noticed that the demand for mechanics at gas stations and independent repair shops was decreasing; new cars with precision machined and electronically controlled engines required less and more software based maintenance that was increasingly done by the dealers.  He pursued further studies in physics, got financial aid and fellowships, eventually went to graduate school at MIT, where he earned a PhD. After a brief employment period with a start-up that failed, he formed his own tech company, obtained Federal government R&D contracts and some state subsidies, and achieved a satisfactory success as the entrepreneur president of his own company.

These are wonderful success stories. But are they representative of what can be expected of the average person? I doubt it.


5. The changing nature of our high-productivity globalized society

In our globalized economy it is convenient to divide a nation’s economic activity into tradable and non-tradable segments, i.e., grouping together all activities can that can be executed remotely and their results imported, versus those that must be done locally. Much of goods production, agriculture and manufacturing, are tradable activities. An extreme example of a non-tradable activity is first aid. While this division does not separate entire industries into one or the other segment, nor is the assignment of an activity permanent (Note 3), it provides a convenient framework for analysis. In general, as an activity moves from non-tradable to tradable, which may or may not be the result of technology changes, the consequence is that jobs are lost locally; they are exported. Services tend to fall into the non-tradable segment and in developed countries in the DIT era, services represent the dominant economic activity; thus the non-tradable segment produces more than two-thirds of the US GDP. At the same time, much of the GDP growth now comes from the tradable segment, while the job growth comes from the non-tradable segment (Note 4). Productivity growth, as measured by value added per employee, has been faster in the tradable segment, where it exceeds the non-tradable by more than 50%.

In the last half-century technology changes tended to move economic activities from the non-tradable to the tradable segment. For example, the invention and broad utilization of container shipping reduced long distance transportation costs so that low wage producers located in faraway places could offer their goods cost effectively anywhere; the invention of low cost communications and computerized record keeping allowed many on-line and/or telephone based customer services to be moved off shore . But this is no longer a one way street in the new DIT age. With the arrival of smart machines, low cost labor is not likely to remain the determining factor in decisions where to manufacture (Note 5).

Given the well-established problem of global warming, caused by the rising atmospheric carbon-dioxide level, and the connection between the burning of fossil fuels and the rising atmospheric carbon-dioxide level, it is likely that sooner or later high (maybe even by design prohibitively high)  carbon taxes and various other restraints will significantly increase fossil fuel prices. Today all long distance transportation uses fossil fuels for energy. Renewable energy, principally solar PV and wind, are promising sources for cost effective and environmentally friendly replacement of fossil fuels, but only in static “connectible” applications. While some progress is being made in energy storage that increases the range of plug-in vehicles from tens of miles to a hundreds of miles, thus far there is no indication whatsoever that plug-in container shipping could become a reality in the 21st Century. Thus transportation costs can be expected to rise significantly, while smart machines are practically eliminating the cost of labor as a significant component in the cost of goods sold. These factors are likely to lead to a new 21st Century DIT era trend of “localization” of goods production, as opposed to the 20th Century “globalization” that was driven by relatively low transportation cost and high labor content in the cost of goods sold.

Today education and health care are for all practical purposes non-tradable economic activities. Will they necessarily remain so in the 21st Century? As I discussed in my earlier writings, intellectual capital is an important driver of economic activity (possibly even more, important than physical capital). Intellectual capital is held by individuals; it is accrued through education; its rent is collected through payments received for services rendered. Teaching requires the deployment of intellectual capital to create new intellectual capital. Some teaching may occur via “massive online courses” (MOCs) through which one superstar (who no doubt will be supercompensated) will reach millions of students, thereby reducing the cost per student (Note 6). In the DIT era there is also another way. Highly trained individuals hold the same intellectual capital in low wage countries as similarly trained individuals do in high wage countries, but in low wage countries the cost of accrual is lower and the rent charged are lower. With audio-visual interactive aids like Skype, small groups and even individuals could receive more customized teaching than MOCs can provide. Thus some teaching may move from the non-tradable to the tradable sector, leading to job exportation, i.e. teacher job losses. Similarly, the health care industry, where individual treatments dominate the costs, may also move some activities off-shore: in addition to robotic surgery, remote sensing and interactive tele-consultation may allow remote delivery of  diagnostic services and reduce costs. Thus part of health care may also move from the non-tradable to the tradable segment, resulting in both cost reduction and job losses.

New technology is always deployed to increase productivity and/or introduce new products and/or new services; these are highly desirable outcomes. At the same time, no one’s job is “safe” from the impact of technology; technology’s impact may result in creating new jobs and eliminating old jobs. However, as pointed out above, now in the DIT age the net effect of new technology is job elimination. To serve the available demand, productivity is improving faster than is the creation of new products and services.

The relentless productivity growth and the invention of new products and services are driven by the competitive market served by profit motivated private enterprises. In fact, these developments are the manifestations of the success of Capitalism. But not all needs of human society are now, nor should ever be served entirely by for profit commercial competitors. These exceptions address fundamental rights and communal needs. They must be addressed in a communal manner, supported by communal funding. A short list of such activities includes:
1.      National defense
2.      Public safety and security
3.      Infrastructure
4.      Health and welfare
5.      Education
6.      Environmental protection
7.      Renewable energy
8.      Fundamental research
9.      Arts
Some of these, maybe all of these communal areas can be partially served by private enterprise, but all need government financial support and oversight. For example, certain functions in support of national defense can be best provided by private enterprise under competitive bidding, but private contractors have no place on the battle field, nor should atomic bombs be developed as proprietary technologies and sold on the open free market by competing global enterprises. Technically, infrastructure maintenance and expansion are fully within the capability of private industry, but it is recognized by the leaders of the relevant industries that here government involvement is required (Note 7). A for-profit national healthcare system is wrong, just like a for-profit national defense system would be unacceptable. Private enterprise could be supporting health and welfare services, but it should not be the primary responsible provider. To address climate change, new public-private partnership is required, as now recognized even by some of the leading figures on Wall Street (Note 8).  Historically and to this date, the oil industry benefits from government subsidies (including going to war to defend its interests); renewable sources of energy need to be developed, both in response to the global human need to reduce global warming and in the interest of long term national security; full development and implementation of renewable energy without government involvement is inconceivable. From the beginning of the development of modern agriculture through the invention of the internet, government played a crucial funding and leading role in R&D; fundamental research remains a public need that private enterprise is ill suited to undertake.

The market economy has been very successful in serving consumer needs, but serving communal needs is primarily the function of government. It is not only conceivable, but also highly likely that in the future for-profit enterprises operating in the private sector will design, install, operate, and own the smart machines producing all the goods that fill the consumer needs and the taxes on the profits on these very high productivity private enterprise activities will pay for those activities that fill communal needs and where most people will be employed.

No doubt, many communal activities in the DIT era also will benefit from the deployment of smart machines, resulting in productivity improvement and reduced labor requirements. However, in the recent past and in the foreseeable future, the communal activities have been and will be the job creators. As I discussed above, new DIT age enterprises are wealth creators and not job creators. Investing part of this wealth in communal activities to benefit all is clearly necessary. Also such investments will create some jobs. These jobs are necessary to supplement what otherwise would need to be all transfer payments to accomplish the growing need for redistribution of income and wealth. Contrary to the belief of some, government involvement is already a significant beneficial contributor to the economy (Notes 9 and 10), and in the future it will be even more importantly so.


6. What we need to do

That we have a growing inequality has been well demonstrated and much discussed (see Notes 11and 12). That we have enough to take care of all, I have discussed in my previous blog postings. Above I have argued that the two key tasks to undertake are the reduction of working hours and the increase in communal activity investments. Given our highly divided and ideology driven society, how do we go about accomplishing these tasks?

First let’s follow the “20:20:60 rule”; whereby in politics as well as in sales, 20 % of the people “will buy it” and 20 % will not no matter what, thus we need to work on the remaining 60 %. Those who are convinced anti-government ideologues will object to any suggestion involving increased taxes, transfer payments, and communal investments as unacceptable socialism, and for them the US Constitution as written in the 18th Century needs neither interpretation, nor updates. Then there are also those who will put their entrenched self-interests that my conflict with what needs to be done ahead of the interests of the rest of society. For example some super-rich with oil wealth will spare no money and effort to oppose environmental regulations and government incentives supporting the development of renewable clean sources of energy, while with equal vigor they will protect government subsidies for fossil fuels. While such groups must be recognized as well organized significant opponents of any and all progressive social, political, and economic agenda, they also need to be recognized as inconvincible. Let’s forget them, focus on the rest and let’s start at the beginning.

The American Declaration of Independence in 1776 announced a set of basic rights, but when the UN General Assembly in 1948 adopted The Universal Human Rights it added some rights to what was in the American original. Specifically, in Article 25 it asserts that basic human rights include access to healthcare, social services, and unemployment support (Note 12); in Article 26 it adds free basic education and accessibility to all education based on merit (Note 13). The UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights is generally agreed to be the foundation of international human rights law and the USA is one of the original signatories.

Is it not now time again to amend the US constitution?  Would it not be appropriate in the DIT age to add the rights to health care and education to the right to bear arms? No doubt all sane people would agree, but sane behavior is not a hallmark of the practice of politics. While a constitutional amendment would be most desirable, laws and regulations based on simple majority in Congress and executive orders coming from the President are more likely practical avenues for achieving what needs to be done.

We need to recognize that machines are replacing progressively more and more people in the work force and view this not as a pessimistic undesirable historical outcome of human shortsightedness, but as a desirable outcome of human ingenuity. In the DIT age we can all live longer, work less, and have more leisure time. To achieve this we need to implement a new social contract whereby the necessity for collaboration of communal and private interests is explicitly recognized. During much of the 20th Century the social contract in the USA was based on two factual notions that that no longer hold (Note 15). Fact one: American companies no longer depend on American consumers, and vice versa, globalization has changed that. Fact two: Communism is no longer feared as a possible alternative to Capitalism; the Soviet Union is gone and in China we now have a new economic system best described as state-capitalism that breeds billionaires. The old social contract gave rise to a strong middle class and general social wellbeing. This contract is now gone; the majority is now being left behind and a general sense of discontent is growing.

The balance between capital and labor has also changed. It used to be maintained by negotiations between powerful labor unions and capitalists. Now as smart machines replace people, labor unions have lost much ground. But now capital has increasingly two forms, physical capital and intellectual capital. While conventional measures of national wealth only consider physical capital, intellectual capital is now just as, if not more, important and its value is comparable to that of physical capital (Note 10). The industrial age was both based on and also created much of the physical capital. Similarly, the DIT age is based and has also created much of the intellectual capital. Physical capital is both “rentable” and transferrable. Intellectual capital is “rentable” but not transferrable, must be continuously regenerated through education, and is the most important national asset. Unlike physical capital, everyone with access to education can acquire intellectual capital purely according to individual capability, thus it is the principal tool for social mobility in the DIT age. Its economic value for the nation and for individuals cannot be overstated; I briefly wrote about it in my previous blog posting (Note 16) and for a good discussion about its measuring its value see the reference in Note 10.

We need to revisit our basic social and economic agenda and align it with the realities of our times. To this end: 1) recognize the benefits of private/public partnership and the need for increased communal action, instead of viewing government as an undesirable constraint on individual liberty; 2) make merit-based free access to education available to all at all levels, not only through secondary school; 3) reduce the legal full-time working hours to increase labor force participation, recognizing that it is better for more to work less than for fewer to work more; 4) significantly increase the investment of public funds and incentivize increased private investments in areas addressing  communal needs;  5) increase taxes and the progressivity of taxes (possibly tax not only income but wealth as well), recognizing that the benefits delivered by smart machines should be shared by all and not only by a few lucky ones among us.

Unless we recognize the urgent need to update our thinking and act accordingly, we can expect potentially disruptive social tensions to develop within the next few decades, and then our American democracy based capitalism may not survive into the 22nd Century.


7. Postscript

In my writing here I have focused on changes in work, driven by technology advances, and on how to cope with these changes. Coping leads to necessary adjustments to our political economic systems, which unavoidably involve rebalancing the growing inequality. There is a general agreement among political scientists and economists that wealth and income inequalities are not the consequence of any fundamental free market law, but the result of political machinations of our democratic system of government by special interest groups (Note 17). Even though the basic facts of the growing inequality have been published by several authors, as Piketty’s book became a best seller in 2014, “ inequality”  became the subject of much discussed and highly polarized public and private debates. American winners of Nobel Prizes in Economics praise it, right wing pundits on the payrolls of the likes of the American Enterprise Institute or the Cato Institute try to discredit it, based on claims of errors that they try to prove through parsing of some of the numerical details published in the book and in its on-line quantitative Appendix. The official publication date of the book was March 10, 2014 and the response was immediate. The first public endorsement was by Nobel laureate and Princeton professor Paul Krugman in The NY Times Opinion pages on March 23, 2014; on the following day, on March 24, 2014, James Pethokoukis of the American Enterprise Institute warned in a blog in the National Review Online  that Piketty’s book, “if unchallenged, will spread among the clerisy and reshape the political economic landscape”. Arguments aside, the reality of growing inequality is well established in published statistics by the US Government and the basic arguments against its desirability were presented long before 2014. The fact that this book became such a much discussed best seller now is an indication that there is a growing recognition of the problem and of the need for change. To paraphrase Hacker and Pierson (Note 17), the last thirty years have shown that our less modern and less efficient government system is not able to fend off encroachment by the highly efficient and modern private interest organizations. Maybe the very debate surrounding this book is an indication that the American public is ready for a change: to ask government to act for the communal interest and not against it.

Public debates on inequality and on global warming have strong similarities. There are those who deny the facts; then there are those who accept the  facts, but deny the need for action (some argue that the fix is worse than the problem, others that yes it is so but it is not a problem); finally there  is a growing majority that accepts the facts and wants to do something about it, but whose will has not yet overcome Congressional opposition fuelled by $9 billion per year lobbying spending (Note 18), by the over $1.2 billion special interests spending on voter influence in the last national election cycle (Note 19), and by self-enriching musical chairs offered to ex-congressmen by the lobbying industry (Note20). In any case, as pointed out above, we need to apply the “20:20:60 rule” and proceed.


8. Notes

Note 1  There are several measures one could use to estimate how a corporation contributes to the Nation’s economy. For example one could count the number of employees per invested dollar, or value added by employee, or the market cap per employee. The market cap per employee is a relatively easy number to get for public corporations: stock market reports keep track of the market cap and financial reports show the number of employees. Also, comparing the market cap per employee of different companies gives a direct measure of their contribution to wealth versus job creation:  a company with high market cap per employee creates more wealth than jobs in comparison to a company with low market cap per employee. Obviously, the market cap fluctuates as the share prices vary, nevertheless it can be used to obtain rough estimates. Companies in the old manufacturing industries, e.g., Kaiser Aluminum, Ford, GE, IBM, typically have market caps under $1 million per employee. New DIT era companies are valued much higher: Google over $5 million, Facebook over $30 million, WhatsUp (a Facebook acquisition) over $300 million per employee. As a point of reference, if we use $77 Trillion as the total wealth in (or the effective market cap of) the United States where we have about 150 million people employed, then we have a national average market cap of about $0.5 million per employee. If we make a further adjustment for assigning about 40%  of the national wealth to real estate (see: Thomas Piketty, “CAPITAL in the Twenty-First Century”, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2014, Fig. 4.10, p. 160) the national average market cap in the USA is less than $0.3 million per employee.
Note 2  See Steve Rattner,”Fear Not the Coming of the Robots”, NY Times, Sunday, June 22, 2014, p. SR 4. While this article shares my view on the benefits of productivity improvements derived from technology advances, it denies the net-net shrinkage of employment opportunities. It shows a bar graph of jobs eliminated and created that seems to claim how the jobs added for  highly trained lawyers, physicians, computer systems managers can replace the jobs lost by carpenters, switchboard operators, typists, etc. It blames globalization for lack of income and jobs growth. Interestingly, at the end it recognizes that, even though in his view new jobs could be there for all, he also notes that everybody may not be trainable, and therefore “more robust social welfare programs” are needed.  
Note 3  Health care historically was a local, thus non-tradable activity; recently medical tourism associated with elective procedures, remote consultation and computer assisted surgery could be tradable activities. Agriculture in general is in the tradable area and much of our food is imported; but fruits, vegetables, meats and wines, advertised as “locally produced organic”, obviously must come from the non-tradable segment.
Note 5  Michael Spence, May 22, 2014, https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/michael-spence-describes-an-era-in-which-developing-countries-can-no-longer-rely-on-vast-numbers-of-cheap-workers
Note 6  The Economist, June 28th 2014, pp. 20-22 (Briefing, The Future of universities, The digital degree)
Note 7  ibid. pp. 23-24 (United States, America’s crumbling infrastructure, Bridging the gap)
Note 8  RISKY BUSINESS The Economic Risks of Climate Change in  the United States, June 2014, A CLIMATE RISK ASSESSMENT FOR THE UNITED STATES http://riskybusiness.org/uploads/files/RiskyBusiness_PrintedReport_FINAL_WEB_OPTIMIZED.pdf
Note 9  Lew Daly, “Our Mismeasured Economy”, NY Times, July 7, 2014, p. A17
Note 10  “WHAT IS OUR PUBLIC GDP?...”,  http://www.demos.org/publications
Note 11  From various US Census, US BEA, and other online accessible sources, in round numbers: US GDP(2013) $16 Trillion and top 1 % earns135, top 10 % earns 34 % of it; US Wealth(2013) $77 Trillion and top 0.1 % owns 22 %, top 1 % owns 40 %, top 10 % owns 75 % of it
Note 12  The great Divide, Joseph E. Stiglitz, Inequality is not Inevitable, NY Times, June 29, 2014, SundayReview, p.SR 1; also see: http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/category/the-great-divide/
Note 13  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 25 (1): “Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.” http://www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/

Note 14  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 26 (1): “Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit.” http://www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/

Note 15  James Surowiecki, Moaning Mogul, The Financial Page, The New Yorker, July 7& 14, 2014, p.36

Note 16   Istvan Gorog: “After Reading Piketty’s CAPITAL”, http://igorog.blogspot.com/

Note 17  See  for example: Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson, “Winner-Take-All Politics”, Simon & Schuster, 2010; Joseph E. Stiglitz, “The Price if Inequality”, W. W. Norton & Company, 2012;Thomas Piketty, “Capital in the Twenty-First Century”, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2014.


Note 19  2012 Election Cycle, all types of fund raising, https://www.opensecrets.org/outsidespending/summ.php?disp=O.

Note 20  Mark Leibovich, “Eric Cantor is on the Market”, NY Times Magazine, July 20, 2014, p. 12.






Tuesday, June 17, 2014

After Reading Piketty’s CAPITAL


Istvan Gorog   
June 2014, Eureka, CA

I posted my “Notes on the Economy: Jobs, Incomes, and What the Future May Hold” contemporaneously with the American publication of Thomas Piketty’s “Capital in the Twenty-First Century”. Here I comment on our similarities and differences, as well as append my earlier thoughts based on what I learned from reading Piketty.


Contents

  • Introduction
  • Overview of similarities and differences
  • Education and unemployment
  • Public debt
  • Intellectual capital
  • More on inequality
  • Conclusion
  • Notes


Introduction

In April of this year I posted my “Notes on the Economy: Jobs, Incomes, and What the Future May Hold”.  Also in April Harvard University Press released the English version of Thomas Piketty’s “Capital in the Twenty-First Century”.  Piketty’s book is a 700 page major scholastic achievement, a detailed study of wealth and income inequality, based on the detailed analysis of historical economic records. My Notes are a brief summary of my observations supported by easily available data. Nevertheless our overlap is sufficiently strong to compel me to write this comparison of my modest work and his bestselling masterpiece. Principally, my interest here is to summarize where his data supports my findings, where my Notes supplement his work, and where our emphases differ. Briefly: we do not disagree, we simply focus on different aspects of the same problem, and offer complementary solutions that together will be needed to save American capitalism and establish a just society in the 21st Century.

I believe it is important to emphasize that we both believe that capitalistic democratic society is the best social system known to date. While as I wrote in my earlier Notes,  some may perceive some of my views as socialistic, and others have charged that Piketty is a Marxist, we both seek to repair the growing flaws of capitalism to avoid its demise through social discord between the haves and the have-nots that ultimately could lead to destructive violence.


Overview of similarities and differences

We both recognize a significant inequality where the upper brackets’ shares both in terms of wealth and income are at historical highs and are still growing. Piketty addresses this issue globally, focuses on its evolution over history. It is this growing inequality that he believes needs remedy. I look only at the USA, using some data from abroad only as guiding reference. I focus principally on the growing unemployment resulting from technological advances. In my view these advances now more and more substitute robotic machinery, thus capital, for labor. Furthermore, I argue that virtually no job or profession is immune from this substitution of human activity by intelligent machines that can move, are dexterous, can see and may have also other sensory capabilities, obey voice command, and are easily programmable. They will be mass produced, affordable, and ubiquitous. I foresee them in factories, offices, homes, and public places; they make things, answer questions, deliver goods, and provide personal assistance. I believe that we can produce enough food, goods, shelter, transportation, and energy from renewable sources to provide for all our needs, but with our economy as it is structured today, in the 21st Century we will not be able to provide fulltime jobs for all to earn enough to pay for all their needs. There simply is not sufficient need for labor in our economy; thus there are not enough jobs today, and in the future there will be still fewer. The solution to this quandary is Piketty’s social state with more progressive taxes on income than we have today and a new general wealth tax on wealth.

I also believe that it is better for all to be employed than for some to work and others to be unemployed; therefore the legal working hours need to be adjusted with the aim to achieve full employment with reduced working hours. Also, contrary to much of the current political wisdom, for the same reason the retirement age may need to be reduced rather than increased. Piketty’s social state, paid for by progressive taxes, could address these needs.


Education and unemployment

Even though education is not an absolute protection against unemployment, its significance in employability cannot be overemphasized. As I discuss it in my Notes, there is a direct correlation between attained education level and employment. The “official” unemployment rate (US BLS U-3 measure) in 2013 for people with less than high school diploma level was 11%, for those with high school diploma was 7.5%, while for people with Bachelor’s degree or higher level was 3.7%. The “total” unemployment rate (US BLS U-6 measure that includes all who wish to work full time but can’t find such employment and either work part time or have given up looking for work) is about twice that of the official rate: 12.3% vs. 6.3% in April 2014 for the USA. (No BLS U-6 data is available by educational segmentation.) Thus assuming a constant total-to-official unemployment rate ratio for all education levels, over 20% of the population without high school diplomas  and over 15% of those with high school diplomas but without additional education is unable to find fulltime employment. The foregoing is likely to be an under-estimate; less educated social groups are more likely to be discouraged and give up looking for satisfactory employment than are the better educated, more successful groups. Furthermore, based on personal observations I estimate that in fact the majority of the younger people (under about 35 years) with only high school diploma or less education are unemployed or underemployed. More than 40% of the US population has high school only or less education; thus their employability status is a major social and political issue. Piketty views access to education everybody’s need and right in an equitable society and thus the state must provide it at public expense, similar to how it is done in much of continental Europe.


Public debt

Public debt is a major concern of many Americans and it is much discussed in the media; frequently there appears to be some confusion about who owes what to whom. Neither Piketty nor I consider it a top priority. Before discussing it, I wish to clarify certain aspects of it. First I wish to emphasize that there are two kinds of national debt that are not always clearly differentiated and thus are frequent sources of confusion and misconception in public discussions. There is public debt and there is external debt. Some of the public debt is external debt and some of the external debt is public debt, but the two are not the same. The public debt, also known as sovereign debt, is what the government owes, what it borrowed to do what it is supposed to do: provide for the defense, education, health, and welfare of the people, as specified by the laws and provided for in the budgets; both the budgets and laws have prior approval by Congress. The external debt is what the US government, institutions, businesses, and individuals collectively borrowed abroad and thus owe to foreign governments, institutions, businesses, and individuals. Thus in principle, we could have no public debt and still have foreign debt, or no foreign debt and still have public debt; in practice we have both.

The US public debt on May 31, 2014 was $17.5 Trillion, out of which $5 Trillion was intragovernmental, whereby the government borrows for its current operational needs funds that it currently collects, but will need to pay out only later. The principal source of intragovernmental borrowing is Social Security. The public debt net of intragovernmental borrowing, thus the debt held by the public, is $12.5 Trillion, or 74% of the GDP. (In 2013 the US GDP was $17.1 Trillion). However, the debt held by The Federal Reserve is included in this figure of public debt. The Fed’s share of this is $2.4 Trillion. Thus netting out the Fed holding, the remaining debt held by the public is $10.1 Trillion, or 59% of the GDP.  (To summarize the confusing terminology: we have public debt that includes intragovernmental debt; the debt held by the public is the public debt net of intragovernmental borrowing; the debt held by the public includes the debt owed to The Federal Reserve; the debt held by the general public – which may include foreigners and foreign governments – is debt held by the public net of The Fed holdings.)

The external debt of the USA as of December 31, 2013 was $16.5 Trillion, of which $5.9 Trillion, or 36% of the GDP, was government debt. The US also has external financial assets and the difference between the external debt and the external financial assets is the net international investment position (NIP); at the end of 2013 the NIP of the USA was negative $4.6 Trillion, i.e. foreigners owned American assets in excess of foreign assets owned by Americans worth about 27% of the GDP. According to Piketty, the total private and public capital in the US is about 450% of the GDP, thus the US NIP is about 6% of the total US capital.
It is also important to recognize that $13.5 Trillion out of the total US external debt of $16.5 Trillion, or over 80%, was borrowed in US dollars. Thus in principle the Federal Reserve could wipe out much of the external debt by simply printing more dollars. Clearly there would be significant damage to the US prestige and economy as a consequence of such an action; nevertheless it is an option.

To put the above numbers into a Global perspective, the global external debt (the sum of all external debts of all countries at the end of 2013 was $73 Trillion while the GWP (Global World Product, i.e. the sum of the GDPs of all countries) was $74 Trillion at official exchange rates and $87 Trillion at purchasing power parity (PPP). Thus the US external debt as percent of the GDP is in line with the global figure. Obviously the global NIP, the sum of the NIPs of all countries, is zero. Since the US NIP is negative, we conclude that foreigners feel more secure owning American assets than do Americans owning foreign assets.

Having established the basic quantitative parameters of or national debt, I wish to address some key conceptual issues related to public debt. Here I will follow Piketty’s reasoning that I adopt henceforth as also mine. When the taxes collected are insufficient to pay for Government expenditures, public debt is accrued as the Government finances its expenditures by borrowing. In other words, one way of looking at public debt is that it a substitute for taxes. Another way is to view it as regressive taxation: the rich collect rent (interest) from the Government by lending to it and all tax payers share in paying for this rent (and one way or another, ultimately also will need to pay back the principal). – The third view, much cited in certain circles is that it is a way to pass on the cost of current generation’s profligacy to future generations, is not very credible, since in the past two centuries this never happened, even though government debts in the USA, and in all developed countries, continuously existed during this period, at times at significantly higher levels relative to GDP than is the case now in the USA. -- Public debts were managed (old outstanding ones virtually eliminated) by growth of the economy (USA through its history), inflation (most everywhere in the 20th century), and forgiveness (post WWII Germany).

Historically the wealthy like public debt as means to derive a relatively safe income from accumulated capital. They do not like inflation since it reduces the real value of the rent collected, as well as of the principal. By the same token, the wealthy like deflation since it increases the real value of the interest collected, as well as of the principal. Today most economists agree that deflation is dangerous; it stifles growth and leads to recession. The generally held belief by experts both within and outside of government is that a moderate inflation of about 2% per year is desirable.

So how are we going to manage our debt?  Can we outgrow it? Not likely. Historically, in addition to productivity growth, the growth of the US economy was aided by territorial and population growth. Going forward GDP growth will only come from productivity and population growths.  Let’s use a specific time frame: what can we expect in 36 years, by 2050? As Piketty emphasizes, the real inflation adjusted GDP per capita growth historically in America over any extended period has never exceeded 2%, and 1.5% maybe a realistic forecast (see Table 2.5 in Piketty’s “Capital…”). According to the US Census forecast, by 2050 the US population will be about 400 million vs. 320 million now; thus the population growth rate is forecast to be about 0.6% per year. The combined effects of per capita productivity growth and population growth are expected to result in a real GDP growth by 2050 of about a factor of 2, i.e. we can expect the GDP of 2050 to be about $34 Trillion in 2014 dollars. Thus today’s publicly held debt of $10.1 Trillion, net of the Fed holdings, will still be 30% of the GDP; the total public debt of today, including the Fed holdings and intragovernmental borrowing, would in 2050 still amount to 50% of the GDP. Since we cannot outgrow it, the remaining options to manage our public debt are taxation, inflation, and default. Outright default is extremely unlikely. Inflation, especially one induced by the Fed, is a form of default; again it is an unlikely US debt reduction measure. Thus the likely solution is increased taxation. Piketty advocates an increase of the top marginal income tax rate to 80% and the introduction of a wealth tax of a few percent per year. While the political will to adopt these measures in America is lacking today, increased taxation is a necessity and the wealthy are not likely to escape paying their share. Whether increased taxation will come according to the formula Piketty suggests, or in some other manner, is not clear to me. But I am certain that it will come, because it has to come.

Currently we have public debt because as a country we needed to pay for things that were needed, and we were unwilling (politically unable) to raise our taxes, and there were (are) people willing to lend us. Our public need for public funds will only increase and not decrease.


Intellectual capital

I see a world rapidly emerging where smart machines do most of the work and much of the need for traditional labor disappears. To install and operate the smart machines, society needs two kinds of capital: physical and intellectual capital. Here I would argue that the traditional term “human capital” for the acquired non-tradeable but rentable human skills is not adequately clear in the 21st Century. All of us people are born human, but going forward our sheer human competence has no economic value; it is our learned skills that society needs for its growth and operation. Therefore I prefer the term intellectual capital over human capital.  Owners of capital collect “rent” on the capital deployed. The rent taken by owners of physical capital is the interest and royalties earned; the rent taken on intellectual capital is in the form of wages and professional fees earned (Note 1). Physical capital is transferrable (sold, given away, inherited, and even stolen), intellectual capital is not transferrable. Thus intellectual property (IP), be it patents, copyrights, or designs, is in this sense physical capital. It is interesting to note that while intellectual capital is non-tradable and cannot be inherited, there is increasing evidence that social mobility does not increase with the increasing emphasis on intellectual capital. It appears that individuals born into families who possess physical and/or intellectual capital will more likely acquire intellectual capital than do less fortunately born individuals. To acquire physical capital, an individual may inherit it. To acquire intellectual capital, an individual needs training, which in turn also requires both physical and intellectual capital investments: physical to cover the living expenses and intellectual to impart the knowledge. The fortunate have access to both early on in the homes in which they grow up. The significance of access to intellectual capital during childhood may be greater than in later life. Intellectual capital appears to be similar to physical capital in a sense that a seed investment is needed so that that when it is well managed it may grow significantly. Without a starting seed no amount of compound interest can lead to wealth. Similarly without a starting interest in knowledge acquired in childhood, no matter how much access to education may be available, no significant level of intellectual capital can one acquire. It is of further interest to recognize that more and more advanced  teaching is taking place via remotely accessible electronic means, whereby one highly trained individual may impart his/her knowledge to thousands or even millions of  students. Thus in advanced training the relative need for physical capital over intellectual capital is increasing.

In any case, recognizing the significance of intellectual capital and the growing insignificance of traditional unskilled labor, Piketty’s social state will need to pay increasingly for education and welfare. The money to pay for these increasing expenditures will need to come from those who possess capital, be it physical or intellectual.

Here I wish to separate the unjustified supersalaries from the justifiable compensations derived from intellectual capital. Earnings derived from intellectual capital put many professional in the upper decile of total income; some even make it into the upper centile, earning hundreds of thousands of dollars per year). The supersalaries of top tier corporate managers (possibly  millions, or even tens of millions per year, are not justifiable by their contribution to the economy, not by their competitive value. As Piketty argues, supersalaries are the result of  crony behavior on self-serving corporate compensation committees. Thus, while both intellectual capital and supersalaries contribute to inequality, earnings derived from intellectual capital are the result of useful contributions to the modern economy; supersalaries are derived from cronyism.

Physical capital has two major principal components: real estate and financial assets. As cited above, that the total US wealth, i.e. physical capital, is about 4.5 times the GDP, thus it is $77 Trillion. At 5% return on investment, US wealth earns about $4 Trillion per year. I am about also interested in estimating the magnitude and associated earnings of intellectual capital possessed by professionals in the USA. For the purposes of my estimate, in this group I included engineers, scientists, physicians, lawyers, architects, and accountants. I estimate that there are a total of about 9 million people in this group, with about two-thirds in the engineers and scientist category (Note 2). Then, using a published figure of $1.1 million for the average intellectual capital value owned by professionals (Note 3), I estimate the total US intellectual capital as $10 Trillion. Owners of intellectual capital also tend to accrue physical capital by systematically saving and investing from current earnings, such savings may take the form purchasing a home and/or investing in financial assets for retirement purposes. As the result of such savings and accruals, the total physical capital owned by professionals is likely at least to match, but even more likely to exceed the total intellectual capital owned by them (Note 4).


More on inequality

Now I wish to return to the question of inequality. Everybody who looks at the widely available statistics agrees that we have significant inequality. In my “Notes on the Economy…” my basic thesis is that 1) a new type of fundamental inequality is of growing significance: technological change forces more and more people out of the productive and growing economy (Note 5); and that therefore 2) in a democratic just society the fortunate, whose share in the benefits produced by this economy is growing, must take care of those of those who became marginalized. Furthermore I argue that as machines replace people, the role of capital inevitably increases. Piketty provides detailed analysis of historical data and he concludes that when the rate of return on capital exceeds the growth rate of the economy, capital’s share in the GDP increases and to rebalance the resulting inequality appropriate tax policies need to be adopted.  Furthermore he shows that throughout history capitalism has not been simply operating according to some divine law of the free markets, but was much affected and controlled by wars, depressions, and political acts. He argues that inequality is now dangerously growing and he places (at least partially) the blame for the 2008 Financial Crisis, and for the Great Recession in 2008-9 that followed it, on this inequality.

The recovery from the Great recession is not proceeding as many would wish and expect. In June 2014, about five years after the recession, we have 2.1% per year GDP growth and the US unemployment is at 6.3%, while at the start of the recession GDP growth was about 3% and unemployment was 5.0% (Note 6). To make the unemployment number worse, we need to recognize that the labor force participation  rate dropped from 66.4% in January 2007 to 62.8% in May 2004 (Note 7). Thus, even though now fewer people are looking for jobs than before the Great Recession, still fewer can find one. As I cited earlier, according to Piketty, the GDP per capita growth rate over any extended period never exceeded 2%, and going forward it will more likely be about 1.5%. Since now the US population is growing at about 0.6% per year, practically zero, the real GDP growth must come from productivity growth. Thus 2.1% GDP growth rate, especially with increased unemployment, is rather good by historical standards. This may indicate that the economy is in fact still catching up for ground lost during the recession, or that in fact we may have already fully recovered from the great recession, but we do not like what a recovery in the new economy looks like.

Decreasing employment participation and increasing unemployment rates are well aligned with my thesis that jobs are disappearing permanently due to technology changes; or stating the obvious more explicitly in a different way: in the new economy technology advances eliminate more jobs than new opportunities resulting from new technologies create new jobs. We must face up to this fact and act accordingly. For the benefit of all, the new societal need for sharing must be recognized and new rules to establish and maintain the needed sharing must be legislated and implemented.


Conclusion

Several conservative and libertarian attacks on Piketty’s work have been published, notably in The Economist, The Financial Times, and The Wall Street Journal. Some claim that there is no growing inequality; others call him the new Marxist. I disagree with these attacks. Paul Krugman twelve years ago raised the issue of increasing inequality, and he recently pointed out that some of these attacks are “politically motivated efforts to deny the obvious” and also are comparing apples and oranges in order to discredit Piketty’s work (Note 8). It is notable that earlier bestselling books (Note 9), one by Paul Krugman and another by Joseph Stiglitz, both Nobel laureate American economists, addressing the same issue of inequality, both books shorter and less filled with quantitative data and thus more readable by the general public, did not receive the same level of public attention as did Piketty’s. Maybe the times are changing?

There is one fundamental issue on which I disagree with Piketty and the other above cited economists. They all emphasize political action to stimulate the economy, to assist people to move from jobs being lost to jobs being created. They seem to feel that the balance of the job market as we knew it in the 20th Century can be reestablished with appropriate political actions. I disagree. As I stated above, I believe that we are faced with a fundamental structural change, where inevitably in the 21st Century technology will eliminate more jobs than create new ones. We must develop new social and political thinking to address this fundamental issue (Note 10).

One may indeed ask whether Piketty’s ideas, and mine too, are in fact socialistic. Here again I wish to state most emphatically that I am an ardent believer in capitalism and I believe so is Piketty. I strongly believe that supply and demand must be mitigated by a competitive market. In the 20th Century we witnessed the failures and miseries of centrally planned economies, most notably in Stalin’s Soviet Union and in Mao’s China. At the same time the competitive market must be subject to laws and regulations. Too big to fail is unacceptable: why should society pay for the blunders of excessively compensated superrich managers because their organizations cannot be allowed to collapse? This is clearly wrong. Also environmental issues, renewable energy, and public safety need to be addressed by appropriate regulations. Furthermore, taxation should be used to provide equitably for all. Those who harvest the benefits of the modern economy must provide for those who in fact are being rejected by the same forces that allow the fortunate to harvest the benefits. Inequality must be reduced and democratic control over capital reestablished.




Notes

Note 1 Future returns of capital can be computed, or estimated based on past experience, in various ways. For physical capital the simplest method is to use is to calculate the compound interest over a fixed period, more sophisticated methods may use simulation calculations that employ random sampling of historical data. For returns on intellectual capital, various methods have also been developed based on the investment, i.e. the cost of education, and the anticipated excess earnings attributable to the intellectual capital acquired through the education. According to such a calculation, a UC Berkeley engineering degree in 2013 costs, after financial aid, about $70,000 and the graduate engineer over 20 years will have earned $1.1 million more than a cohort who never went to college (The Economist April 5th 2014).Thus one can assign a dollar value of $1.1 million as an estimate for the average intellectual capital value owned by the graduate engineer.  For comparison, at 5% compounded interest, after 20 years a $70,000 investment will have earned about $0.1 million.
Note 2 The total engineering and scientific manpower estimate is given by The Congressional Research Service as 6.2 million people (CRS report R43061, February 19, 2014). For other professional manpower estimates, see United States Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Occupational Outlook Handbook (http://www.bls.gov/ooh/home.htm). 
Note 3 Combining the data sources cited in Note 2 above, physicians represent less than 10% of all US professionals. The average cost of education and average earnings of all other professions is about the same, thus I use the value of $1.1 million from Note 1 as a crude estimate for the dollar value of the average intellectual capital per professional.
Note 4 If one saves $10,000 every year, an amount most mid-career professionals can afford, and invests it at a real net of inflation rate of return of 3%, after 20 years the resulting physical capital value is $2.6 million; then 9 million professionals will own physical capital of $23 Trillion total value, which is 30% of the total US wealth of $77 Trillion. – This is likely a significant overestimate, since even in the most oversimplified model of such a group not everyone in the group can be expected to have saved uniformly  for 20 years. If we assume that the number of group members is constant over the years, that for all participants the group participation ends after 20 years of participation, and that every year the same constant number joined (i.e. membership is evenly distributed over the years of participation), then group average accrual would be about $1.2 million per person, and the group’s total physical capital accrual would be about $10 trillion or 13% of the total US wealth.
Note 5 In my Earlier “Notes on the Economy…” I focused first on manufacturing automation and then discussed how not only manufacturing, but also most service activities are likely to be taken over by smart machines. Lest one thinks that artists are safe from losing their jobs to machines, now opera orchestras may face replacement with “the digital sound of sampled instruments”, see “A Digital Orchestra for Opera?”, NY Times, Thursday, June 12, 2014 p.A1.
Note 6 See: “A Scarred Economy”, NY Times Thursday, June 12, 2014, p. B1. For GDP growth data, see: US Department of Labor Bureau of Labor Statistics, National Income and Product Accounts Tables, Table 1.1.1. Percent Change From Preceding Period in Real Gross Domestic Product. For the three year period preceding the Great Recession, years 2004-2006, averaging the Bureau of Labor Statistics quarterly data indicates about 3% real GDP growth rate per year.
Note 7 US Department of Labor Bureau of Labor Statistics, Economic Releases, Databases, Tables & Calculators by Subject (http://data.bls.gov/timeseries/LNS11300000)
Note 8 Paul Krugman: “On Inequality Denial”, NY Times, Monday, June 2, 2014, p. A17.
Note 9 Paul Krugman: “The Conscience of a Liberal”2007; Joseph E. Stiglitz: “The Price of Inequality”2012
Note 10 Some skills and professions will continue to be in demand, offered by owners of intellectual capital; at the same time the number of unemployables, those without intellectual capital, will inevitably grow. -- In my view the primary problem with the superrich is the superpower they wield in setting the political agenda. The problem of inequality is more broadly based: on the fortunate side are the owners of intellectual and physical capital; onto the unfortunate side go more and more unemployables; and the middle is progressively disappearing. In my view not only do we need to reduce excessive concentration of wealth and power at the very top, we also need to increase more broadly the sharing in the benefits of our productive economy across society with all who become structurally marginalized. Who will have to pay for it, i.e. to share their benefits? According to a recent CBO report on incomes (http://www.cbo.gov/sites/default/files/cbofiles/attachments/10-25-HouseholdIncome.pdf), the top 1%  earners take 21 % and the top 20% earners take 55% of all income.  (70% of the one-percent-group are managers and professionals from medicine, law, and finance; a group whose earnings clearly are derived from their intellectual capital.) Wealth is even more concentrated at the top than is income: the wealthiest 0.1% owns more than 20% and the upper 10% owns about 75% of the total wealth of the nation (E. Saez and G. Zucman, 2014 slide presentation, http://gabriel-zucman.eu/files/SaezZucman2014Slides.pdf). --  Increasing welfare rolls are inevitable, but every effort should be made to combine welfare  subsidies and new employment opportunities. To this end we need to reduce working ours, make education at all levels accessible to all, and make public investments to provide incentives to create new jobs where the new economy on its own shows at best limited growth. (Note that Google’s 2014 financial estimates forecast $40 Billion revenue and 50 thousand employees; this indicates excellent productivity of $800k per skilled employee, but does not describe an engine for broadly based job creation. In May 2014 there were 135 million employed Americans [http://www.bls.gov/news.release/empsit.t05.htm] who will produce  a GDP of $17 Trillion, or $126k per employed person.) --The principal areas to address with new public incentive investments are: renewable energy, infrastructure, environmental cleanup and protection. Maybe a new new-economy can be thus created, but even then the employment prospects of the unskilled and skill-mismatched are dim and their support by the social state will be required.